The Real is Imaginary: The Pursuit of Social Meanings in the 20th century
" I want the complete elimination of the authority principle of state tutelage which has always subjected, exploited, and depraved men while claiming to moralize and civilize them. I want society and collective or social property to be organized from the bottom up through free association and not from the top down by authority of any kind." (Bakunin, cited p. 34; Carl Boggs' Intellectuals and the Crisis of Modernity).
Jürgen Habermas, Paulo Freire, John Dewey, and Carl Boggs all posit the crisis of capitalist modernity in terms of the various ways in which social institutions have become autonomized. Within concepts such as "the culture industry" (Habermas via Horkheimer and Adorno), "the banking concept of education (Freire)," "the eclipse of the public" (Dewey), and "instrumental rationality" (Boggs via Weber), we find a common theme of the extraction of power away from actual, concrete human relations and the institutionalization of that power in a horizon that extends well beyond the material existence of any institution. Analyses of the globalization of this hegemonic process can obviously give rise to political nihilism. In a sense, it is the forms of nihilism reinforced by institutionalized power and hegemony that is the object of our critique.
As Carlos Castoriadis notes the "world" (our world) "is always finally the province of human actions." For Castoriadis, the crisis of social-historical "collective will-formation" is a crisis of the social imaginary. But, the reader must be warned that this notion of the imaginary is not restricted to the purely egoistic in the sense that it is not something that I (or my subconscious) just happened to cook up. Rather, the plane of human social relations and its subsequent social imaginary is a social-historical process. This (imaginary field?) thing we call "modernity" has been posed as problematic by Habermas, Freire, Dewey, and Boggs. By using Castoriadis' useful blending of "the world" with a central signification, we may be able to address these theorists "individual" contributions, comparatively analyze their works in so doing, and attempt a consider the potential of synthesizing these works into an active politics of collective will-formation. However, our critique of these texts will arise out of a certain conception of collectivity and will-formation. The critique elucidates limitations/exclusions in theoretical conceptions of the idea of "collectivity." Put bluntly, who is the public and how is its will formed?
remunerative scarring. the building's fully riot-proofed, which seems grimly comical now because I can't fathom this city rioting. Then again, perhaps the architecture has a net effect beyond bones and blood of structure, down to fundament of being. And so, our way of being in the world here is evidently contaminated. Juts and slab of concrete ain't nothing new, but really, this one trumps all other buildings. Even classrooms are riotproofed. The windows, if there are any, are about four to six inches wide and 30 inches tall, nothing opens in or out. There is a second floor that has no way to get there, except by way of stairs and two sets of elevators that alternate on which floor they can stop at, depending on which side of the building one is on. To go 20 stories down involves a great and interesting Kafkaesque circling.
When the Ted Haggard story exploded, we here at the Hex were there to offer an accurate appraisal of his hypocrisy, his downfall, and its impact on the polis. Haggard was arguably the most influential evangelical leader, consulting Bush every Monday. His flock? 30 million or so. Yeah. Haggard preached hatred against the gay, lesbian, bi, and transgender community(s) . So, when the story broke that he visited a male escort monthly and was...also taking meth while he was at it, the attention went to Haggard - understandably - and his hypocrisy.
But...there was someone else in the picture:
Mike Jones the escort that Haggard saw monthly for three years. I recently met Jones, and he read from his book and discussed it in Chicago on his book tour for I Had to Say Something . Jones was personable and considerate. There was a gentleness about him, rare in any forum. I got the sense that he was shy and certainly not someone too familiar with extensive public appearances. He wasn't self-aggrandizing or super polished.
Jones addressed the difficulty of the decision to out someone. He noted that at least thirty percent of his clientele are clergy, from the evangelical church, or from the military. He respects privacy and is not for outting someone just to do it. Making the decision was an ethical crisis for him. For all but three months of these years, he did not know who Ted was. Haggard went by the name of "Art."
Then one day, Jones was watching television and he saw "Art" preaching hatred of homosexuals, condemning them to Hell, and openly opposing gay/lesbian marriage. He was shaken and for three months, he did not know WHAT to do. The question of "What is to be Done?" (Some say Jones is out for self-gain - uhh - he LOST HIS JOB, receives death threats monthly, and by the way, could have blackmailed the church for a substantial sum) was upon him. In the existential crisis, he sought his mother's advice, who had passed. She said you must say something. So, he went public with it.
Jones' whole life was turned upside down. Some might think that he was strongly supported by the gay, lesbian, bi, transgender community(s). No. He has been spit upon, called every name in the book, and worse - daily - by many members of this community. So, Jones is in this sense, alone. Or, cast entirely into the public realm, with Nancy Grace and every member of the media calling you - one could imagine how overwhelming it was/is.
He also discussed in great detail Haggard's church, which Jones visited before and after the disclosure. Apparently, prior to the disclosure, the church was filled with homoerotic statues and o - an absence of crosses. Since then, the statues are gone. He gave ornate detail. I wish I could see them. Reader, can you find them?
It's easy to give up in this climate. The prison industrial complex wants to kill most of us, physically, emotionally, and spiritually. And, usually, there is relative success. At least we are adequately disciplined into inaction and cynicism that any one person can make a difference. Mike Jones demonstrates in ACTION AND WORD, that is to say politically in the best sense of the word, that we can as individuals can make a difference. He also stated categorically that...they better watch out. Now he has nothing to lose. He said he wasn't threatening individuals. Perhaps I would say he is in a sense. His politics does put the fascist right at risk.
I left wondering what I might do now. I left feeling empowered to speak truths that are buried inside, necessary truths. He gave and is giving courage to heal and gives in the existential sense of Paul Tillich, the Courage to Be.
CHAPTER FIVE
The Ideology of Choice: The Norplant Condition
and Voices of Resistance
“Between equal rights, force decides” (Marx 1990, 344)
1. Introduction
To this point, the contributions of Foucault and Arendt in understanding Norplant® as a problem in political power have been introduced and briefly examined. Foucault’s compelling notions of disciplinary power, power/knowledge, as well as his elaboration of power in The History of Sexuality, Volume I, all highlight the hegemonic components of power – a form of power that is held in place from the bottom up and the top down. Because power is not only located in force, but is also discursively imbricated in the structures of knowledge itself, ruptures in power relations are not only possible - they seem likely. The omnipresence of power can set power against itself. Yet, Foucault’s articulation of resistance (despite his focus on the microcomponents of power) remains somewhat abstract. What is it about human political action that makes resistance and change possible in hegemonic power relations? Foucault’s healthy skepticism towards humanism may have contributed to his reluctance to more fully entertain the corporeal aspects of change and resistance at the human level. Arendt’s focus on natality through the category of action provides an ontological basis for an anti-foundationalist inquiry into the origins of resistance and change.
Any work of political science (or social science in general, for that matter) that critiques the ideological function of positivism in a field of research encounters the perilous dilemma of providing a research design that does not fall prey to the same criticisms. While there is no “outside” to ideology, the instrumental rationality that organizes positivism, that prosthetic limb of the disciplinary State, is not a “natural” or inherent condition of political science. My intersubjective model collects the contributions of Foucault, Arendt, traditional medical specialists, “alternative” medicine practitioners, and recipients of Norplant® from various cultural settings. Because of the small “N” in the research design, according to standard social science, the generalizability of the model is limited. But, the smaller number of interviewees affords the opportunity of opening a depth hermeneutics between “text” and “subject” that could not easily be attained with data from a large-scale survey. A synthetic model can be derived through a hermeneutic analysis of the Norplant® problem. In order to arrive at a point where such an analysis is possible, it was necessary to provide a political history of Norplant®. The historical account interpolates with the following case studies, throwing the experiences of individuals into broader historic relief, making an understanding of hegemony and resistance possible.
The matrices of gender, class, race, and locale intersect with and through Norplant’s discursive framework, formulating hegemonic relationships. Not only do socio-cultural indicators (e.g. gender, race) mark power relations, but power is also embedded in the structures of scientific inquiry and technological practice. If power is located within the framework of knowledge, the Norplant® Condition is also a matter of the structures and structuration of perception. Here, epistemological questions of subject and object, knower and known are simultaneously scientific, medical, and political. How then are Norplant’s discursive regimes of power/knowledge shaped by medical communities?
The blaming game has already begun, regarding the massacre at Virginia Tech. Leaving aside that casualties as low as 30+ would be considered a GOOD day in Baghdad, the blame first may be applied to how the university should have put the school on lockdown. Employing techniques of the prison industrial complex (lockdown) could and would prevent or reduce the fatalities. Others will debate the role of gun control. Again, the discourse here is steered in the direction of attaining peace through control. Perhaps the parents of the shootist will be examined. What has not been discussed yet is that this is evidence of a health care crisis. Adequate assistance for ALL, encouraged to establish support for mental health for ALL, in ALL circumstances, at ANY cost.
...in all of its refinements, has both a glitch and a wonderful gift. It has its own time zone. It's part portal, where you turn around once in Quebec (turning Sud) and all of the sudden you are Oest bound and it's two hours later. Everything's changed but suddenly. Sometimes it even gets earlier. Once I got in and found myself inside a horrific childhood dream. o wait, that was just me looking in the mirror. note to self: watches are pointless and nothing is worth killing oneself over. not even curfew.
i wonder....did anyone get a blues traveler tattoo back in the day? poor ol' sop!
getting into the club there was this snaking strange backstage i got lost in abandoned pool halls floors of them. uh hello? it smelled. the city felt more like chicago in places. what a fine group of people - just overall. a generosity of spirit. sax and guitar, drums and six string bass all blowing my mind tonight. singing singed my brain fuses. hello great soundman and bartenders who give a shit. why do people apologize when their friends dont show and they are raving about the show? why? it's like an apology for something that....doesn't matter? I guess because they know idiots like me will form anecdotally based concepts of towns and places. we wouldn't want that to happen. we want science!
There was a certain....portlandness to Montreal that Mike noted as deja vu. I agree. and it wasnt just the horrid weather. it was the angle of the sleet and the streets and the buildings and people or...what was it? it was an interesting ride across the border. it's important to have borders and guard them in case scary people get through. i really only had one conversation with a montreal resident and she was horrified of the violence in the US. After all that is shown on TV. TV as a viable source? hmmmmmmm. I'll get back to you on that one. "I would like to go to New York because everyone has to" and "LA because I like to shop" and Seattle for the music scene.
Dwight Harris, the Executive Director for the Texas Youth Commission retired from his position after mishandling a sexual abuse scandal at the Pyote prison located in West Texas between Midland and Pecos. The Youth Center handles children and adults, ages 10 to 21. Officials had ignored inmate claims of molestation by administrators. Although he did claim responsibility for the matter (noting "this happened on my watch and I own the ultimate responsibility for it"), Harris actively redefined the very notion of responsibility stating, also : "Hindsight is 20-20," he said. "Given the information that I was provided at the time, I wouldn't have any reason to do anything differently." It's interesting to note that a Texas Rangers investigation had revealed in early 2005 that both an assistant superintendant and principal had repeatedly had sex with inmates. Hannah Arendt, who perhaps is best known for her coverage of the Eichmann trial, when she coined the phrase "the banality of evil" wrote: "However monstrous the deeds were, the doer was neither monstrous nor demonic, and the only specific characteristic one could detect in his past as well as in his behavior....was something entirely negative: it was not stupidity but a curious, quite authentic inability to think" in Responsibility and Judgment. Harris either ignored information, did not seek it out, or - more to the point, proactively participated and supervised the incarceration of 250 inmates ages 10 to 21. There are alternatives, including The American Friends Service Committee's (AFSC) Criminal Justice Program and working with Generation Five . Harris's dilemma was there for him from the moment he began to participate in the Prison Industrial Complex, which he had done for at least twenty-five years. The scandal is not only that these sexual crimes were committed under his watch, not only that he accepted responsibility in the thinnest sense of the term, but also that he participated at all. Sadly, the crime is that we as a society risk approaching the causes and effects of crime, justice, and punishment with that "inability to think." Inaction, in this sense, is collaboration with the carceral society and all that takes place there.
I had saved this article today from BBC News (it was marked as "most read" for the day) but when I returned, it was gone. It's been replaced by video clips and changed the statistics to make the most recent 400% increase less severe. The article reads:
"Tens of thousands of people have marched through Mexico City in a protest against the rising price of tortillas.
The price of the flat corn bread, the main source of calories for many poor Mexicans, recently rose by over 400%.
President Felipe Calderon has said the government will clamp down on hoarding and speculation to ease the problem.
But some blame the rise on demand for corn to make environmentally-friendly biofuels in the United States.
The New Jersey Death Penalty Commission has concluded its research into the value of the death penalty. The Commission recommends in its report that the death penalty be abolished entirely. While prison abolitionists such as Critical Resistance may note that this does not solve the fundamental problem of slavery within the Prison Industrial Complex - and a society that emerges from that slavery - advocates of human rights (including those on death row in New Jersey) are highly encouraged by the findings. The report notes the following in its executive summary:
It's a little surprising that the Democratic Party was able to pull off the kind of victories it accomplished this week. Sure, the poll numbers were/are at all time lows, but that does not necessarily translate into adequate and anticipated voter turnout and voting behavior. In addition to Howard Dean's work, many among the Democratic Party have to be commended for finally putting aside ridiculous in-fighting - with an overall re-commitment to the Democratic Party. It would seem obvious that there is much to be gained from working together, collaboratively, rather than constantly at odds with one another. Yet, for years, this has been a central problem within the party. And, for years, it has been a machine that smacked
Racist and liberal ideals are said to anchor competing political traditions in America, but a juxtaposition of ideals obscures key processes of change in the cultural lexicon and misses much
about how a political tradition comes to bear on the development of a polity. Attention to the
reassociation of ideas and purposes over time points to a more intimate relationship between racism and liberalism in American political culture, to the conceptual interpenetration of these antithetical ends. Cuing off issues that have long surrounded the reassociation of John C. Calhoun's rule of the concurrent majority with pluralist democracy, this article examines another southerner, Woodrow Wilson, who, in the course of defending racial hierarchy, developed ideas that became formative of modern American liberalism. Analysis of the movement of ideas across purposes shifts the discussion of political traditions
from set categories of thought to revealed qualities of thought, bringing to the fore aspects of this polity that are essentially and irreducibly "American."
I want to present some research that is out there in the field. I can't do the article justice, but introduce it. If it compels/interests, I can get the full article for you.
Ronald Inglehart, Mansoor Moaddel and Mark Tessler published a compelling article in "Perspectives on Politics," the American Political Science Association's lead journal on current events. In it, they test explore a theory, supported by quantitative and qualitative evidence. The last sentence of this quote is telling: "A large body of research...suggests that “existential security”—the feeling that survival can be taken for granted—is conducive to tolerance of foreigners, openness to social change and a pro-democratic political culture. Conversely, existential insecurity leads to 1) xenophobia and 2) strong in-group solidarity. This article tests these hypotheses against evidence from a recent survey of Iraq—a society where one would expect to find exceptionally high levels of insecurity. We
find that the Iraqi public today shows the highest level of xenophobia found in any of the 85 societies for which data are available—
together with extremely high levels of solidarity with one’s own ethnic group.
There is often talk about disenfranchising felons, but when it comes to knowing the facts of the situation, there is a lot of speculation. I thought I would see what researchers are saying and went to the American Political Science Association - hardly the bastion of leftism. Jeff Manza and Christopher Uggen noted in their study (Punishment and Democracy: Disenfranchisement of Nonincarcerated Felons in the United States) the following statistics:
-For instance, the disenfranchised felon population at the time of the 2000 presidential election has been estimated to range from 4.1 to 4.7 million Americans, the latter representing about 2.3 percent of the voting age population. -These restrictions are unique among democratic countries—the United States stands alone in denying voting rights to large numbers of nonincarcerated offenders.
Manza and Ungen ask a utilitarian question: would it impact actual voting? After controlling for a wide variety of variables, the findings were intriguing.
panopticpants' prison industrial complex photoset
As an abolitionist, I notice this careful research and wonder why it isn't thoroughly covered. Then again, I'm an abolitionist. What do I know?
The Liberal Media Establishment again refuses to admit sports such as Boxing or Execution Countdowns (or for that matter, explosion of skyscrapers) as the American Pastime. Apparently, "Celebrity-Watching" is a pastime. While this is clearly a Debordian spectacle-commodity-economy trick. The poll numbers show understandings about "Tomkat" and "Branjelina". Reader, please note that Jolie is perceived to be a "homewrecker" by 18 percent of America.
It should be noted, for context, that after the Kent State massacre - 58% of Americans thought the National Guardsmen had "done the right thing" in slaughtering civilians.
Bear with me while I am on my soapblox. Oregon Health Sciences University, in all its wisdom, has decided the "choice" to "opt out" on OHSU's use of its patients' genetic code for research. Instead of sending a form to consent to participate, the form is a complex doublespeak which actually is a non-consent form. If you don't send it in, your genetic code is used. If you don't say no, you are saying yes. If you misread it, too bad. And, if the mailman doesn't deliver it, well - who knows? If I were to consent and it was lost, no rights would be violated. However, I'm putting forth the strange notion that humans have a right to own their own bodies, regardless of research or how it is done.
When I contacted OHSU, I was told that the information they collect is anonymous. I'm not sure how genetics are anonymous, but....ok. For an article on that, see http://www.oregonliv...
The issue is not anonymity because "the voluntary consent of the human subject is absolutely essential." OHSU is practicing deceipt, fraud, and certainly presenting constraint. Confusion is not mine alone. There are 48,000 Oregonians so far who have refused, but many didn't understand the form and threw it away - see comments at http://www.geneforum...
Bodily rights, bodily integrity - both are absolutely essential and informed consent doesn't mean "except when we feel it's no problem for you."
It's worth noting that the Nuremburg Code delineates AFFIRMATIVE consent. When they told me about the anonymous thing, I noted that when the Nazi doctors cut off the limbs of their subjects, they didn't really necessarily spend much time on whose limb or trunk or head they were zapping and freezing (also see Unit 731 from WWII). One could argue that the Nazis in this sense, were using anonymity, and as such had no need to obtain consent. I guess different principles apply to the United States than to the International practices of scientific ethics and human rights. And yes, I am surprised every time that happens. I shouldn't be, but I am.
Well, well, well, oh well. Why not INVADE a country? Everyone else is! Or, uh, at least our allies are! And, anyway, Lebanon isn't a country as we all know - it's a town in Pennsylvania. But, aside from the obvious fact that they call themselves after an American city, they ain't Americans and they sure as uhh Sheol ain't Israeli's so - why not INVADE? The New York Times writes today....
"Almost two weeks into its military assault on Hezbollah, Israel said Tuesday that it would occupy a strip inside southern Lebanon with ground troops until an international force could take its place."
And, anyway, it's only a strip, like you know - like a mall but with Israeli people staying there. Life is good, I don't know why people get all up in arms about Israel being belligerent. They are our allies. Condemn them = befriending the enemy.
prison industrial complex photoset
